US election result: What Biden's victory means for rest of world
After days of uncertainty, Joe Biden has won the US presidential election,
During Donald Trump's four years in office, America's relationship with the world changed profoundly.
Our reporters across the globe, from Beijing to Berlin, explain how news of Mr Biden's victory is being received and what it could mean for key US relationships.
Joe Biden's victory offers another challenge for the Chinese system, writes John Sudworth in Beijing.
You might think Beijing would be glad to see the back of Donald Trump. As China-basher-in-chief he hit them with a trade war, levied a raft of punitive sanctions and badgered and blamed them for the coronavirus pandemic.
But some analysts have suggested that the Chinese leadership may now be feeling secretly disappointed. Not because they have any lasting fondness for Mr Trump, but because another four years of him in the White House held out the tantalising prospect of a bigger prize. Divisive at home, isolationist abroad - Mr Trump seemed to Beijing the very embodiment of the long-anticipated and hoped for decline in US power.
It was a message rammed home by the country's Communist Party-controlled TV news bulletins. They focused not on the election itself - but on the protests, rancour, and rising US virus infection rates alongside it.
China might, of course, try to find advantage in Joe Biden's willingness to seek co-operation on big issues like climate change. But he's also promised to work to repair America's alliances, which may prove to be far more effective in constraining China's superpower ambitions than Trump's go-it-alone approach.
And a Biden victory offers another challenge for a Chinese system devoid of democratic control. Far from a decline in American values, the transition of power itself is proof that those values endure.
DM Magazine Writer
Kamala Harris's roots are a source of pride in India but Narendra Modi may get a more frigid reception from Mr Biden than his predecessor, Rajini Vaidyanathan writes from Delhi.
India has long been an important partner to the US - and the overall direction of travel is unlikely to change under a Biden presidency.
South Asia's most populous nation will remain a key ally in America's Indo-Pacific strategy to curtail the rise of China, and in fighting global terrorism.
That said, the personal chemistry between Mr Biden and Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi could be trickier to navigate. Mr Trump has held back from criticising Mr Modi's controversial domestic policies - which many say discriminate against the country's Muslims.
Mr Biden has been far more outspoken. His campaign website called for the restoration of rights for everyone in Kashmir, and criticised the National Register of Citizens (NRC) and the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) - two laws which sparked mass protests.
Incoming Vice-President Kamala Harris - half-Indian herself - has also spoken out against some of the Hindu nationalist government's policies. But her Indian roots will spark mass celebration in much of the country. That the daughter of an Indian woman who was born and raised in the city of Chennai will soon be second-in-command at the White House is a moment of immense national pride.
'' It’s likely Chairman Kim would have preferred another four years of Donald Trump.''
DM Seoul Correspondent
North Korea once described Mr Biden as a "rabid dog" - but now Kim Jong-un will be making careful calculations before trying to provoke the new US president, writes Laura Bicker in Seoul.
It's likely Chairman Kim would have preferred another four years of Donald Trump.
The leaders' unprecedented meeting and follow-ups made for incredible photo-ops for the history books but very little of substance was signed. Neither side got what they wanted out of these talks: North Korea has continued to build up its nuclear arsenal and the US has continued to enforce strict sanctions.
In contrast, Joe Biden has demanded North Korea show that it is willing to abandon its nuclear weapons programme before he holds any meetings with Kim Jong-un. Many analysts believe that unless Mr Biden's team initiates talks with Pyongyang very early on, the days of "fire and fury" may return.
Mr Kim might want to get Washington's attention with a return to long-range missile tests, but he won't want to increase tensions to the point that the already impoverished state would be hit with even more sanctions.
South Korea has already warned the North not to go down a provocative path. Seoul may have struggled to deal with Donald Trump at times - but President Moon is keen to put an end to the 70-year war on the Korean peninsula and he praised Mr Trump for having the "courage" to meet with Mr Kim. The South will closely watch for any sign that Mr Biden is willing to do the same.
The US and UK's "special relationship" may face a downgrade with Joe Biden at the helm, writes political correspondent Jessica Parker in London.
They won't be seen as natural allies: Joe Biden, the seasoned Democrat, and Boris Johnson, the bombastic Brexiteer.
In looking at how their future relationship might work, it's worth considering the past. Specifically that seminal year, 2016, when Donald Trump won the White House and the UK voted to leave the EU. Both Joe Biden and his boss at the time, Barack Obama, made no secret they preferred another outcome on Brexit.
The UK government's recent manoeuvres in relation to Brexit have not gone down well with key Democrats and the Irish lobby, including the US president-elect. Mr Biden said he would not allow peace in Northern Ireland to become a "casualty of Brexit" if elected - stating that any future US-UK trade deal would be contingent upon respecting the Good Friday Agreement.
Remember how Donald Trump once called Boris Johnson "Britain Trump"? Well, Mr Biden seemingly agreed, once reportedly describing the UK prime minister as Mr Trump's "physical and emotional clone". So it's possible Joe Biden may initially be more eager to talk to Brussels, Berlin or Paris than love-bomb London. The "special relationship" could, feasibly, face a downgrade.
However, the two men may yet find some common ground. The two countries they lead, after all, have long-standing and deep-running diplomatic ties - not least in the areas of security and intelligence.
A more predictable administration may be the "silver lining" for Russia of Mr Biden's win, writes Steven Rosenberg in Moscow.
The Kremlin has an acute sense of hearing. So when Joe Biden recently named Russia as "the biggest threat" to America, they heard that loud and clear in Moscow.
The Kremlin also has a long memory. In 2011 Vice-President Biden reportedly said that if he were Mr Putin, he wouldn't run again for president: it would be bad for the country and for himself. President Putin won't have forgotten that.
Mr Biden and Mr Putin are not a match made in geo-political heaven. Moscow fears the Biden presidency will mean more pressure and more sanctions from Washington. With a Democrat in the White House, could it be payback time for Russia's alleged intervention in the 2016 US election?
"Moscow fears the Biden presidency will mean more pressure, more sanctions from Washington."
DM Moscow Correspondent
One Russian newspaper recently claimed that under Mr Trump, US-Russian relations had plunged "to the seabed". But it likened Mr Biden to a "dredger" who was going to "dig even deeper". Little wonder Moscow has that sinking feeling.
But for the Kremlin there could be a silver lining. Russian commentators predict a Biden administration will, at least, be more predictable than the Trump team. That might make it easier to reach agreement on pressing issues, like New Start - the crucial US-Russian nuclear arms reduction treaty due to expire next February.
Moscow will want to move on from the Trump era and try to build a working relationship with the new White House. There's no guarantee of success.
Germans hope for a return to smooth-sailing with their key ally once Donald Trump has departed, writes Damien McGuinness in Berlin.
Germany will breathe a sigh of relief at this result.
Only 10% of Germans trust President Trump on foreign policy, according to the Pew Research Centre. He is more unpopular in Germany than in any other country surveyed. Even Russia's Putin and China's Xi Jinping poll better in Germany.
President Trump is accused of undermining free trade and dismantling the multinational institutions which Germany relies on economically. His spats with China have rattled German exporters and he has a notoriously poor relationship with Chancellor Angela Merkel — it's hard to imagine two leaders more different in ethos and personality. German politicians and voters have been shocked by his abrasive style, his unconventional approach to facts and his frequent attacks on Germany's car industry.
Despite this, the US is Germany's biggest trading partner and the transatlantic relationship is critical for European security. So the Trump presidency has been a rocky ride. German ministers have criticised President Trump's calls for vote-counting to stop and his unsubstantiated claims of electoral fraud. Defence Minister Annegret Kramp-Karrenbauer called the situation "explosive".
There is an awareness here that major policy differences between Washington and Berlin will not go away under a Biden presidency. But Berlin is looking forward to working with a president who values multilateral co-operation.
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